Who Needs a Democratic Egypt?
By Daniel Greenfield
SultanKnish.Blogspot.com
In the big marble halls of Washington, in the
slow ambling pace of summer cocktail parties where
veterans of the political establishment still shake
their heads at the fall of the Graham dynasty and
the sale of the Post to a parvenu dot comer, the
second favorite topic of conversation is how to make
Egypt fall into line.
All the cocktail party guests, the senators,
their aides, the editors and editorial writers, the
heads of foreign affairs think-tanks and generals
angling for a lobbying gig with a firm that just
might want to move some big ugly steel down Egypt
way once all the shouting dies down, haven’t had
much luck.
Or as the New York Times, the paper that has
displaced the Washington Post as the foreign affairs
leak hole of the administration, put it, “all of the
efforts of the United States government, all the
cajoling, the veiled threats, the high-level envoys
from Washington and the 17 personal phone calls by
Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel, failed.”
And all the community organizer’s horses and his men
couldn’t put the Muslim Brotherhood back together
again.
Not even 17 personal phone calls from a man who
couldn’t get through his confirmation sessions
without becoming a national laughingstock
accomplished anything.
Washington isn’t giving up, but its foreign aid card
has just been neutralized by the Saudis who have
offered to make up any aid that it cuts. And unlike
Israel, Egypt isn’t vulnerable to threat of being
isolated. Not with a sizable number of the Gulf oil
countries at its back and the Russians and Chinese
eager to jump in with defense contracts.
Instead of asking how to make the Egyptians do what
Washington wants, it might be time for the cocktail
party goers to ask what they really want from Egypt
and what they really need from Egypt.
The two aren’t actually the same.
We may want Egypt to be democratic, because it fits
our notions of how countries should work, but that
isn’t something that we actually need.
The editorial writers and foreign policy experts who
never got beyond the expat bars of Cairo will try to
blame Egypt’s lack of democracy for our terrorism
problem, and Obama and McCain may even echo their
idiocy, but just like the attempts to blame Israel
for Islamic terrorism, it’s not a policy, it’s a
hollow apologetic for terrorism.
If anything, Egypt’s original unwillingness to bow
to the Brotherhood nearly redirected Al Qaeda away
from its war against America as the Egyptian faction
sought to fight an internal war of the kind that Al
Qaeda in Iraq and Syria are now fighting.
Bin Laden chose to go to war against America, but Al
Qaeda very nearly missed being something more like
an international version of The Islamic Group
focused on bombing Egyptian targets; in which case
September 11 would have never happened. It may still
become that, if its current focus on civil wars is
any indication.
The overthrow of the Muslim Brotherhood will no
doubt inspire some future Rage Boys to join the
ranks of some terrorist group somewhere. But so
would just about anything. Terrorists will seize on
anything for propaganda and when they don’t have
actual events to work with, they make them up. And
then they blame America for them.
The Islamist consensus is that America overthrew
Morsi even though Washington’s worst and dumbest are
tearing out their toupees trying to figure out how
to get the Muslim Brotherhood back into power. That
consensus isn’t there because of anything that
Obama, Kerry, Clinton or Hagel did with his 17
personal phone calls. It’s there because Islamists
need us to be the enemy. The endless conspiracies
that they claim we carry out against them give their
pathetic existence and murderous campaigns meaning.
Given a choice between a militaristic Egypt that
helps us fight terrorism and a democratic Egypt that
is run by Islamists who collaborate with terrorists,
putting our political capital into the Islamists in
the hopes that they’ll convince the terrorists that
the ballot box is mightier than the truck bomb is
suicidal insanity.
We need a democratic Egypt about as much as we need
sensitivity training from Mayor Filner. A democratic
Egypt is unstable, vulnerable and unfriendly. And
those are just its good sides.
Our first hint that democracy wouldn’t turn
Egyptians into Americans should have been the polls
showing that the majority of Egyptians favored the
death penalty for adultery and blasphemy. There was
no way that such an electorate was going to produce
some Egyptian counterpart of America. At least not
until we invite in a few hundred million Somalis,
Pakistanis and Egyptians to enrich our diversity.
Of the four major players in Egypt, three are
fundamentally undemocratic, the Muslim Brotherhood,
the Egyptian military and the Egyptian elites of
officialdom, often mischaracterized as Mubarak
loyalists though they have as much loyalty to him as
Obama does, and one lightly sprinkled with
democracy, the liberals and the left. And that
sprinkling is very light indeed.
With an electorate whose idea of democracy is
indistinguishable from Islamic law and a political
elite that is undemocratic even when it participates
in democratic elections, what reason was there for
believing that overlaying democracy on them would
lead to democratic values, rather than just
democratic functions?
Now two undemocratic players and one lightly
democratic player ganged up on a ruling undemocratic
player. We can call the whole thing a coup or a
candy store; it doesn’t matter much.
The process that removed Morsi was similar to the
one that removed Mubarak. The same senators
abandoning their cocktail parties to demand an end
to foreign aid for Egypt because of the C word, were
celebrating the same C word that took down Mubarak.
The difference, they will argue, is that Morsi was
democratically elected. But so was Mubarak in 2005.
But, they will say, Mubarak’s election was not truly
democratic, it was marred by all sorts of electoral
irregularities and other shady beasts of the ballot
box. And they will say that Mubarak acted like a
tyrant. But the same was true of Morsi’s election.
And Morsi did act like a tyrant.
The coup position is reduced to arguing that the
overthrow of one elected leader by popular protests
and the military was a very good thing while the
overthrow of another by the same means was a bad
thing because one election was somewhat cleaner than
the other on a scale from Chicago to Detroit.
Never mind that the first leader was an ally of the
United States and that the other was its enemy.
Is the gram’s worth of difference in democracy that
we’re fighting for really worth undermining our
national security?
I’ve met lawyers who have told me that they would
have defended Hitler pro bono because of the
principle of the thing. I’ve never entirely
understood why the principle of this thing trumps
genocide. The application of the pro bono Hitler
lawyer clause to the Muslim Brotherhood’s democracy
seems even more dubious. And I have a healthy
suspicion of people who too eagerly volunteer to be
Hitler's lawyer or the Muslim Brotherhood's press
agent for the principle of the thing.
Are we really obligated to vigorously defend the
Muslim Brotherhood’s right to take over a country
because the election that allowed it to come to
power and begin attempting to seize absolute power
wasn’t as dirty as the last election? Does the
principle that democracy should be implemented here,
there and everywhere, even if it leads to a
terrorist group taking over the most powerful
country in the region, really trump our national
security?
And if so, why? Why have we volunteered to be the
Muslim Brotherhood’s pro bono democracy lawyer?
The Arab Spring has thoroughly discredited the idea
that spreading democracy enhances regional stability
and protects our national security. We would have
more luck promoting vital national interests by
spreading viral goat yelling video memes than by
bludgeoning other countries into having elections.
We don’t need a democratic Egypt. Even Egypt doesn’t
need a democratic Egypt. What we need is an Egypt
that is stable and not too excessively sympathetic
to our enemies. And the best way to get that is to
leave it alone.
Egypt isn’t a problem. It doesn’t need the cocktail
crowd of Washington to fix it. It has plenty of
problems, but the same crowd that is incapable of
fixing its own economy or a broken toilet, is not in
any shape to deal with those problems either.
The United States needs allies. It doesn’t need to
treat other countries like children who have to be
taught the right way. That same arrogant attitude
has destroyed the cultures of our own cities.
Treating other countries the way we treat our own
people will only do for them what it did for
Detroit.
Our ideal allies are countries that manage their own
affairs, agree with us on some issues that matter to
our economic interests and national security and
aren’t actively trying to kill us.
That’s a high bar to set in the Middle East and it
got a lot higher after the Arab Spring trashed the
few countries that qualified. Egypt may now be
tipping back into the camp of the countries that
don’t want to kill us, assuming they get over
wanting to kill us for trying to get the Muslim
Brotherhood back into power by hook or by crook.
We’ll never be very good friends. A deep and
meaningful friendship with a population that
believes in chopping the hands off thieves and
stoning everyone else was never in the cards. But
most alliances aren’t built on enduring love or even
mutual affection.
They’re built on something better. Cynical
pragmatism.
We had a wonderfully pragmatic and lovingly cynical
relationship with Egypt. If Chuck Hagel stops making
17 personal phone calls every hour telling the
Egyptian government how not to shoot Muslim
Brotherhood terrorists, maybe one day we’ll have a
cynically pragmatic relationship with Egypt again.