Exposing the Lies of Black Lives Matter
Where black racism and Marxism are dressed up as “social justice.”
By John Perazzo
FrontPageMag.com
Black Lives Matter (BLM) was established in
2013 by a trio of self-identified Marxist
revolutionaries. Striving to make white
Americans “uncomfortable about institutional
racism” and the “structural oppression” that
allegedly “prevents so many [black people] from
realizing their dreams,” BLM contends that
blacks living under America's “white supremacist
system” are routinely targeted for
“extrajudicial killings … by police and
vigilantes.” That claim has become an article of
faith for the millions of American leftists who
dutifully parrot BLM's talking points. The
remainder of this article is dedicated to
providing hard data which exposes BLM's
worldview as nothing more than a mountain of
malicious lies.
Debunking BLM's Claims About Police Use
of Force
A major Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) report in
2001 examined incidents where police in the
United States used deadly force to kill criminal
suspects between 1976 and 1998. During that
23-year span, 42% of all suspects killed by
police were black – a
figure that comported
precisely with the
percentage of violent crimes committed by
African Americans during that same period. This
is enormously significant because we would
expect that in police forces not plagued
by systemic racism, officers would shoot
suspects of various racial or ethnic backgrounds
at rates closely resembling their respective
involvement in the types of serious crimes most
likely to elicit the use of force by police. And
indeed, that is exactly what the
evidence shows.
The same BJS report found that in nearly
two-thirds of all justifiable homicides by
police during 1976-98, the officer’s race and
the suspect’s race were the same. When
a white or Hispanic officer killed a suspect,
that suspect was usually (63% of the time) white
or Hispanic as well. And when a black officer
killed a suspect, that suspect was usually black
(81% of the time).
The BJS report also examined the rate at which
officers killed suspects of other racial
or ethnic backgrounds. In 1998, the
“black-officer-kills-black-felon” rate was 32
per 100,000 black officers, more than double the
rate at which white and Hispanic officers killed
black felons (14 per 100,000). That same year,
the rate at which white and Hispanic officers
killed white or Hispanic felons (28 per 100,000)
was much higher than the
“black-officer-kills-white-or-Hispanic-felon”
rate of 11 per 100,000.
In 1999, criminologists Geoffrey Alpert and
Roger Dunham confirmed once
again that police officers were more likely to
use force against suspects of their own racial
group, than against suspects from another racial
group.
A 2011 BJS study which
covered the period from 2003 to 2009 sheds
further light on the issue of police use of
force against people of various racial and
ethnic backgrounds. Of all suspects who are
known to have been killed by police during that
7-year time frame, 41.7% were white, 31.7% were
black, and 20.3% were Hispanic. It is also worth
noting that during the 2003-2009 period—when
blacks were 31.7% of all suspects killed by an
officer—blacks accounted for about 38.5% of all
arrests for violent crimes, which are the types
of crimes most likely to trigger potentially
deadly confrontations with police. These numbers
do not in any way suggest a lack of restraint by
police in their dealings with black suspects. On
the contrary, they strongly suggest exactly
the opposite.[1]
In 2015, a Justice Department study of
the Philadelphia Police Department
found that black officers were 67 percent
more likely than their white colleagues to
mistakenly shoot an unarmed black suspect, and
Hispanic officers were 145 percent more likely
to do the same. That same year, a study of
the New York Police Department by criminology
professor Greg Ridgeway found that black
officers were 3.3 times more likely than their
white peers to discharge their guns in the
course of their work. So much for the notion of
trigger-happy white cops.
In any given year, a mere 0.6 percent of black
men report that
physical force of any kind – including
mild actions like pushing and grabbing – is used
against them by the police. The corresponding
figure for white men is approximately 0.2
percent. Though both figures are infinitesimally
small, critics of the police are quick to
complain that the figure for blacks is three
times higher than the figure for whites. But as National
Review points out, that disparity is fully
accounted for by the fact that “black men commit
violent crimes at much higher rates than white
men,” as evidenced by data from the annual
National Crime Victimization Survey.
The available
data indicate that a mere 0.08 percent of black
men and white men alike are injured by
police in any given year. This figure includes
injuries sustained as a result of police actions
that are legally justified, and often necessary,
in order to thwart criminal behavior.
In a 2018 working
paper titled “An Empirical Analysis of
Racial Differences in Police Use of Force,”
Harvard economist Roland Fryer, who is African
American, reported
that police officers in Houston were nearly 24
percent less likely to shoot black suspects than
white suspects. In a separate analysis of
officer shootings in three Texas cities, six
Florida counties, and the city of Los Angeles,
Fryer found that: (a) officers were 47 percent
less likely to discharge their weapon without
first being attacked if the suspect was black,
than if the suspect was white; (b) black and
white individuals shot by police were equally
likely to have been armed at the time of the
shootings; (c) white officers were no more
likely to shoot unarmed blacks than unarmed
whites; (d) black officers were more likely to
shoot unarmed whites than unarmed blacks; and
(e) black officers were more likely than white
officers to shoot unarmed whites. There is no
evidence of anti-black racism in any of these
findings, though some of them do seem to suggest
an anti-white bias.
A 2019 study published
in Proceedings of the National Academy of
Sciences shows that white officers are no
more likely than black or Hispanic officers to
shoot black civilians. “In fact,” writes Manhattan
Institute scholar Heather Mac Donald, the study
found that “if there is a bias in police
shootings after crime rates are taken into
account, it is against white civilians.”
Specifically, Mac Donald adds, the authors of
the study compiled a database of 917
officer-involved fatal shootings in 2015 and
found that 55 percent of the victims were white,
27 percent were black, and 19 percent were
Hispanic.
Each and every year, without exception,
whites who are shot
and killed by police officers in the U.S.
far outnumber blacks and Hispanics who meet that
same fate. In 2017, for instance, 457 whites,
223 blacks, and 179 Hispanics were killed by
police officers in the line of duty. In 2018,
the corresponding figures were 399 whites, 209
blacks, and 148 Hispanics. And in 2019, the
totals were 370 whites, 235 blacks, and 158
Hispanics. There is not a hint of anti-black
racism anywhere in these figures.
When we compare black rates of violent crime,
with the rate at which blacks are shot and killed by
police officers, we find that blacks are
represented among those shooting victims at
rates significantly lower than we would
have expected in light of their crime rates. For
example, in 2017, blacks were just 23.6% of all
people shot dead by police, even though they
were arrested for 37.5% of
all violent crimes. The following year, blacks
were 26.3% of those fatally shot by police, even
as they were arrested for fully 37.4% of
violent crimes.
According to Heather Mac Donald: “The per
capita rate of officers being feloniously killed
is 45 times higher than the rate at which
unarmed black males are killed by cops. And an
officer’s chance of getting killed by a black assailant
is 18.5 times higher than the chance of an
unarmed black getting killed by a cop.”
Debunking BLM's Claims About Interracial
Crime Against Blacks
In 2012 and 2013, blacks in the U.S. committed
an annual average of 560,600 violent crimes
(excluding homicide) against whites, while
whites committed a yearly average of 99,403
violent crimes against blacks. In other words,
blacks were the attackers in about 85 percent of
all violent crimes involving blacks and whites,
while whites were the attackers in 15
percent.[2]
When white offenders committed crimes of
violence (excluding homicide) against either
whites or blacks in 2012-13, they targeted white
victims 95.8 percent of the time, and they went
after black victims a mere 4.1 percent of the
time. By contrast, when black offenders
committed crimes of violence against either
whites or blacks in 2012-13, they targeted white
victims a whopping 48.5 percent of the time, and
they went after black victims 51.4 percent of
the time.[3] If we factor into the equation the
relative sizes of America's white and black
populations, we find that, statistically,
any given black person in 2012-13 was about 27
times more likely to attack a white, than vice
versa.
In more recent years, the disproportionate
prevalence of black-on-white crime has only
gotten worse. According to the Bureau of Justice
Statistics, in 2018 there
were 593,598 interracial violent victimizations
(excluding homicide) between blacks and whites
in the United States. Blacks committed 537,204
of those interracial felonies, or 90.4 percent,
while whites committed 56,394 of them, or about
9.5 percent.
When white offenders committed crimes of
violence against either whites or blacks in
2018, they targeted white victims 97.3 percent
of the time, and they went after black victims
2.6 percent of the time. By contrast, when black
offenders committed crimes of violence against
either whites or blacks during that same year,
they targeted white victims 58 percent of the
time, and they went after black victims 42
percent of the time.[4]
City Journal reports that
according to Justice Department data, blacks in
2018 were overrepresented among the perpetrators
of offenses classified as “hate crimes” by a
whopping 50 percent—while whites were
underrepresented by 24 percent.
The facts presented above can lead us to only
one possible conclusion: BLM's claim that
African Americans are routinely targeted for
“extrajudicial killings … by police and
vigilantes” is a monstrous lie. The purpose of
the lie is to cause Americans of all races to
detest their own country, so as to promote a
desire to raze the nation's traditions to the
ground, and to then erect a new Marxist utopia
upon its ruins.
NOTES
[1] The annual violent-crime arrest statistics
for 2003-2009, broken down by race, can be found
here: 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008,
and 2009.
[2] Bureau of Justice Statistics, National
Crime Victimization Survey, 2012-13,
Special Tabulation, Table 10.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Bureau of Justice Statistics, Criminal
Victimization, 2018, Table 14.